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              <text>GAINESVILLE – The American Civil Liberties Union is hoping to rekindle the death-penalty debate with the release of a study yesterday claiming that at least 343 innocent people have been convicted of murder and other capital crimes since 1900.&#13;
&#13;
Professors Hugo Adam Bedau of Tufts University, a longtime opponent of capital punishment, and Michael L. Radelet of the University of Florida said they were convinced that of the 7,000 individuals executed in this century, 25 were erroneously convicted – including a man executed in Florida last year.&#13;
Radelet said he and Bedau had to use their own judgment in determining innocence because “the states never admit putting a man to death by mistake.”&#13;
&#13;
The list include such famous defendants as Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, anarchists who were executed in 1927 for killing a paymaster and his guard; Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, executed in 1953 after the conviction for selling atomic secrets to the Soviet Union; and Bruno Richard Hauptmann, electrocuted in 1936 for the murder of the infant son of aviator Charles A. Lindbergh. All three cases spawned a host of contradictory studies of whether the convictions were justified.&#13;
&#13;
The research, presented yesterday to a national conference of criminologists in San Diego, also listed 19 people on Death Row it said came within 72 hours of being executed when their innocence was discovered. And many other victims of injustices spent years in prison in capital cases, the professors said.&#13;
&#13;
“Since 1900, there have been innocent people on Death Row nearly every year,” Radelet said. “Based on that, I would bet every cent I’ve got that there are innocent people on Death Row today.”&#13;
&#13;
About 1,600 prisoners are on Death Row in the United States according to the American Civil Liberties Union.&#13;
&#13;
“These horrible facts are dramatic proof of the ongoing fallibility of our death-sentencing laws,” said Henry Schwarzschild, director of the ACLU’s capital punishment project. “Judges, legislators and the American public are entitled to know about the unavoidable risk of executing the innocent.”&#13;
&#13;
Radelet and Bedau, author of The Death Penalty in America, have spent the last three years examining convictions in capital crimes.&#13;
&#13;
“I admit in many of these cases that had I sat on the jury, I would have found the guy guilty, also,” Radelet said yesterday. “Jurors, like the rest of us, are human beings. And human beings make mistakes.”&#13;
&#13;
The Radelet-Bedau study –ts 343 convictions, all but 25 of which were later overturned – not because of legal technicalities, Radelet said, but because innocence was established.&#13;
&#13;
Lawyers representing Death Row inmates already are preparing to use the study as a basis for defending their clients.&#13;
&#13;
Michael Mello, an attorney with a newly created office in Tallahassee that represents Florida’s indigent Death Row population, said yesterday he intended to file an appeal next week, based on the study, on behalf of Joe Spaziano.&#13;
&#13;
Gov. Bob Graham signed a death warrant last week for Spaziano, who was convicted of killing a Seminole County woman. He is scheduled to be executed Dec. 3. &#13;
“Up until Mike’s study, we suspected intuitively that there were a lot of miscarriages of justice,” Mello said. “But what we now have is documentation of that.”&#13;
&#13;
But challenges of that documentation are likely.&#13;
&#13;
Last year, James Adams was executed for the murder of a Florida rancher. Radelet and Bedau contend that Adams was innocent. His case is the only instance cited in the study of an innocent man being executed in the last 20 years.&#13;
&#13;
Among evidence presented in the study was a statement from a witness who said he saw someone fleeing the rancher’s house and that person “was positively not Adams.” The study also indicates that hair found clutched in the victim’s hand did not match Adams’ hair.&#13;
&#13;
“Much of this exculpatory information was not discovered until the case was examined by a skilled investigator the month before Adams’ execution. Governor Graham, however, refused to grant even a short stay to try to resolve these questions,” the study said.&#13;
&#13;
Radelet said it was a difficult decision for him to include the Adams case in the study. He said he expected backlash from it, but “I really believe that James Adams was innocent.”&#13;
&#13;
Art Wiedinger, assistant general counsel to Graham, said he was surprised that the Adams case was included in the report. He said Graham took extreme care in handling the case and reviewed the materials Radelet referred to.&#13;
&#13;
“They did supply memorandum, I think, the week before the execution, and based on that review, the governor felt there was no basis to overturn the conviction,” Wiedinger said.&#13;
&#13;
He said that not having read the study he had no opinion on whether it might alter popular opinion on the death penalty. But he said U.S. and Florida law require the exercise of extreme caution in capital cases. “Given all those safeguards, I think that meets all the problems.”&#13;
&#13;
Ernest van den Haag, a Fordham University professor and one of the nation’s leading authors promoting the death penalty, said yesterday from his New York home that it should be no surprise to anyone that innocent people have been executed.&#13;
&#13;
“Trucks do run over innocent people once in a while. We continue to drive trucks because we feel the advantages outweigh the costs,” he said. “I should say the same is true in justice. The advantages of having the death sentence outweigh the costs of making an occasional mistake.”&#13;
&#13;
Van den Haag also said he did not expect the study to result in any policy changes – “none whatsoever, because anyone with common sense knows that mistakes will be made.”&#13;
&#13;
Radelet said he hoped the study eventually would bring about the abolition of the death penalty. But he said he would be pleased if people “will remember that the possibility of convicting innocent people is very real.”&#13;
&#13;
This report contains material from wire services.&#13;
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              <text>ORLANDO- Juries, not judges, should decide whether convicted killers are sentenced to death, the Florida Bar’s board of governors said in voting its support for a bill that would take away judges’ power to override juries.&#13;
&#13;
“Juries are better than judges as yardsticks of community outrage in deciding whom to execute,” said Michael Mello, an attorney who is paid by the state to defend Death Row inmates.&#13;
&#13;
The board voted 21 to 7 Thursday to urge Legislature to change a 1972 law that lets trial judges impose a death sentence for first-degree murder even if the jury recommends life in prison with no parole for 25 years.&#13;
&#13;
Since the law took effect, trial judges have ignored jury recommendations for life sentences and sentenced convicted murderers to death in 92 cases.&#13;
&#13;
The change would force judges to accept juries’ recommendations against the death penalty. The bill making the change has been proposed in the past two legislative sessions but was opposed by prosecutors and judges.&#13;
&#13;
Mello said juries seem to recommend life sentences when they have “a lingering doubt about the defendant’s guilt.”&#13;
&#13;
In a 1975 case, a circuit court jury convicted motorcycle gang member Joseph Spaziano of the murder and mutilation of a woman near Orlando, but only after twice telling the judge they couldn’t reach a verdict.&#13;
&#13;
The jury voted 9-3 for life imprisonment. But Circuit Judge Robert McGregor sentenced Spaziano to death, and reimposed the penalty after the state Supreme Court asked him to reconsider it. &#13;
&#13;
One of the jurors in the case said the panel favored the life sentence because of doubts about Spaziano’s guilt.&#13;
&#13;
The sentence was the upheld by state and U.S Supreme Court justices, but U.S. Justice John Paul Stevens said the law which lets judges override jury recommendations is defective.&#13;
&#13;
The board of governors consists of 39 attorneys elected by lawyers in the state’s 20 judicial circuits. The board’s vote Thursday was the first time it has taken a position on the bill.&#13;
&#13;
According to a bar study, most of the judges’ overrides of jury recommendations were later reversed by the state Supreme Court. In Florida, 221 murders have been sentenced to death and 13 have been executed since 1997.&#13;
&#13;
Only one Death Row inmate, Ernest Dobber, has been executed against a jury’s will. A jury recommended life in prison on a 10-2 vote, but Dobbert was electrocuted in 1984 for the slayings of his 9-year-old daughter and 7-year-old son.&#13;
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              <text>Warrenton, VA-As a part of its ongoing Death Penalty Project, NACDL co-sponsored the Annual Capital Punishment Conference held at the Arlie Conference Center in Warrenton, Virginia on July 18-20. The Conference has served for a number of years as the national strategy session for lawyers handling death penalty appeals and collateral attacks. Programmatic and logistical responsibilities were handled by the other co-sponsors, the Southern Poverty Law Center and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. The seminar drew 103 participants from around the United States. The program covered a multitude of issues and types of information including a status report of the various death rows around the U.S., Supreme Court developments, developments in the state and Circuit Court of Appeals, habeas litigation and the special problems pertaining to it, clemency proceedings, state organizations, and dealing with the personal (as opposed to legal) aspects of executions. &#13;
&#13;
This years conference was jeopardized because of funding curtailments, a fact which moved the NACDL Board of Directors to authorize a co-sponsorship funded by a grant from the ABA Bar Information Project. Other activities funded by the grant were production of the NACDL Collateral Attack Manual and production of extra issues of the March Death Penalty Issue of the CHAMPION. The death penalty issue of the CHAMPION has been widely distributed throughout the death penalty community. 1984 marked the first year in which NACDL has co-sponsored this very important conference. </text>
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                <text>The article describes the Annual Capital Punishment Conference and the issues it deals with. It also tells of the Conference's lack of funding and how the NACDL (National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers) stepped in to sponsor the event. The Conference was held July 18th-20th, 1984.</text>
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              <text>The Florida Bar will lobby for removing judges’ power to override juries to impose death penalties and for appointing all trial judges, as part of its 1986 legislative program. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Bar’s Trial Lawyers Section will also support increasing juror compensation. The Board of Governors delayed a decision on a constitutional amendment to abolish residency requirements for Supreme Court justices. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Board of Governors adopted those positions, among others, at its January 9-10 meeting in Orlando. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The proposal to change the state law allowing judges to override jury recommendations of life imprisonment came from the Bar’s Individual Rights and Responsibilities Committee. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Committee member Michael Mello said the jury better represents community feelings about a crime and the present law “increases chances innocent people will be executed.” &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He quoted jurors as saying in some cases, “We thought the state’s evidence was strong enough to convict, but not strong enough to impose the ultimate penalty.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mello, who works for the state Office of the Capital Collateral Representative, which represents death row inmates, added “For the last 12 years, the [Florida] Supreme court has overruled between two-thirds and three-quarters of the cases involving jury overrides.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Board approved the position by a 21-7 vote challenge at subsequent elections. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The residency requirements were extensively debated, with the Board initially rejecting a recommendation it lobby for the amendment, leaving it without a formal position. But when the Trial Lawyers Section asked permission to lobby for the measure, the Board first voted to oppose the amendment and then defeated a motion to allow the section to lobby for it anyway. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Board finally voted to send the topic back to the Legislation Committee and the Trial Lawyers Section for more study. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“I feel on this important issue, we should take more time,” said Orlando Board member Chandler R. Muller, as he moved to send the issue back to the committee. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Some Board members argued allowing the Trial Lawyers Section to support the measure even though the Board opposed it would help explain to legislator how the Bar works. But other Board members replied it would only confuse lawmakers and lessen the Bar’s effectiveness. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;“It’s ridiculous for us to take a position on this Board and allow a section to take a position opposite to that,” Miami Board member Alan T. Dimond said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;On other matters the Board: &lt;br /&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Approved a Trial Lawyers Section recommendation to support increasing juror compensation from $10 to $25 a day, with the funds coming rom higher filing fees. The Board also approved a section recommendation to draw juror pools from driver license lists as well as voter registration rolls.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Approved a Family Law Section an estate by the entirely unless stated differently in the mortgage. The Board also allowed the section to oppose a bill easing commercial mortgage foreclosure restrictions. The section found the bill too broad for the stated purpose of making it simpler to foreclose on some condominium projects.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Supported Tax Section requests it be allowed to support several bills, ranging from creating a division of tax policy in the state Department of Revenue to barring tax collectors from enforcing any but good faith payments until property tax disputes are resolved.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Approved allowing the Trial Lawyers Section to lobby in Congres against federal products liability legislation.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Failed, by a 15-12 vote, to support a proposed ABA recommendation calling for a federal intercircuit panel to resolve disputes between federal circuit courts without a Supreme Court appeal. A two-thirds Board vote is required to approve such a legislative position. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Board also took no position on creation of a chief administrative judge for the federal system. Both the intercircuit panel and administrative judge have been sought by U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice Warren Burger and will be considered by the ABA at its midyear meeting. The Board will again consider legislative positions, including the controversial proposed modification of the Marketable Record Title Act (see related story elsewhere in the News) at its March 19-22 meeting in Tampa. Also on the agenda will be Bar responses to proposed state legislation to change the tort system, including the modification or repeal of joint and several liability. &lt;/li&gt;
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              <text>The Committee on Individual Rights and Responsibilities concentrated its efforts this year on legislative matters. Under the guidance of member Michael Mello, the committee studied and voted to support the “jury override” bill. The proposal would revise the death penalty statute to require that a jury recommendation of mercy in capital cases be binding on the court. The bill was presented to the Bar’s Legislation Committee, which recommended that the Board of Governors support it. The Board approved lobbying efforts by The Florida Bar in active support of the jury override bill during the 1986 session. &#13;
	&#13;
The second bill supported by the committee was drafted by Abbey Hairston’s Subcommittee on Employee Rights. The original proposal would have created a cause of action for any employee wrongfully terminated for notifying authorities of illegal activities conducted by his or her employer. Opposition from the Corporation, Banking and Business Law Section resulted in a revision to the bill which limited its applicability to public employees. The Individual Rights Committee received approval from the Board of Governors to lobby for the revised proposal. &#13;
	&#13;
Other issues studied by the committee this year included the rights of AIDS victims. Member Allen Terl provided the committee with specific instances of discrimination against AIDS victims and agreed to chair a subcommittee to determine how the committee can most effectively minimize this threat to individual rights. &#13;
	&#13;
The three substantive areas of greatest interest to members continue to be privacy rights, employees’ rights, and individual rights in medical matters. Other issues discussed during this year’s committee meetings were children’s rights, victims’ rights, the rights of aliens, and collateral appeals in capital cases. &#13;
	&#13;
In January, the committee voted to support both legislative and judicial efforts to prohibit the imposition of the death penalty on defendants under the age of 18. This issue has been agendaed for future study and action. &#13;
	&#13;
The scope of the term “privacy rights” has made it difficult for the committee to focus its efforts in this area. Specific issues of interest to members include computer intrusion, fingerprinting of children, and mandatory lie detector tests. The committee will continue to study these issues. &#13;
	&#13;
The committee rejected a suggestion that a public interest section be formed within the Bar and voted that individual rights and responsibilities remain a standing committee. Similarly situated committees adopted the same position. &#13;
	&#13;
The committee has discussed forming a subcommittee on the responsibility of attorneys to apprise the public of both their responsibilities and rights as citizens. It is hoped that this project will gain momentum in the coming year. &#13;
	&#13;
Members who have actively participated in the committee’s work this year have found that participation to be extremely rewarding.</text>
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              <text>"We're a hang 'em high state," attorney Jim Green says. And the Palm Beach County lawyer is not alone in his assessment. Florida has been dubbed the nation's capital punishment capital because of its high number of executions-13, more than any other state since the death penalty was reinstituted in 1977. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;It is not just the executions that trouble Green, who is well-known for his advocacy of controversial causes. It is a provision of Florida law that allows judges to override jury recommendations for life in capital punishment cases. Green and many others, including the Florida Academy of Trial Lawyers and the Florida Bar Association, want the law changed. They don't want judges to be able to throw out a jury's recommendation of life imprisonment and order a defendant to his or her death. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Death cases are automatically reviewed by the Florida Supreme Court, and nearly four-fifths of the decisions to override the jury's recommendation of a life sentence have been reversed on appeal. But those who favor restrictions on the judge's right to override don't find this fact comforting. The American Civil Liberties Union, of which attorney Green is a state board member, says the current system is inefficient and expensive, not to mention "highly questionable." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"If there can be any justification for capital punishment, it's retribution," Green says. Empirically, there is no conventional data that capital punishment acts as a deterrent. The only arguable justification in light of this is retribution. The death penalty reflects community outrage. Our system of justice placed the determination of community outrage in the hands of juries as opposed to judges.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[image - Carolyn Susman]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"And 93 percent of judges are white males. It seems somewhat anomalous for us to allow juries which tend to reflect a fair cross-section of the community to be overriden by a judicial system that is overwhelmingly white male." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A bill has been filed again this year by Rep. James Burke (D-Miami) that would make a recommendation of life imprisonment binding [on the] court. Last year, the bill made it out [of] two of three Senate committees. Supporters hope that, with the backing of the Florida Bar Association this year, it will do better. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Only three states in the nation-Florida, Alabama, and Indiana-give judges the right to override jury recommendations of life in death penalty cases. "Florida is the only state that employs the override frequently, despite the fact the Florida juries are among the most death-prone," wrote Michael Mello, in an article in the Florida State University Law Review last spring. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mello was on the staff of the Palm Beach County public defender's office until October, when he joined a newly formed group in Tallahassee that was created by the Legislature to ensure that inmates on death row get representation when they need it. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;So far, there is only one case in Florida where a jury override has resulted in death: Ernest Dobbert. In 1984, Dobbert was executed, despite the fact the jury had voted 10-2 for life imprisonment. Mello says two other cases, which also were overrides, are nearing the end of their appeals and a third defendant, sentenced to death the same way, "is at very serious risk." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Palm Beach County Chief Assistant Public Defender Craig Barnard can recall only one case here where a judge overrode a jury's recommendation of life, and Barnard has been with the public defender's office since 1974. The case was that of Jackson Burch, who was found guilty in 1973 of the murder of an 18-year-old Palm Beach Junior College student, Pamela Curry. The jury override became law in 1972. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Circuit Judge Vaughn Rudnick's decision to sentence Burch to death was reversed by the state Supreme Court in 1977. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"This county seems fairly rational when it comes to juries and the ultimate sanction," Barnard, who specializes in death-row cases, said. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Palm Beach County Circuit Judge Marvin Mounts Jr. employed an override in the Michael Nelson case in 1982 to sentence Nelson to life in prison, instead of death, for the murder of his wife Linda. But even though he has never used an override to reverse a recommendation for life in prison, Mounts has doubts about whether the override when life is recommended should be removed.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Anytime you do anything inflexible, the first case that comes along should be the exception. I've been working with juries 26, 27 years. You usually weed out the bigots in the selection process. You get good people who are conscientious and really care. But I think the Supreme Court has been good on riding herd on the imposition of the death penalty."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[end page]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A bill has been filed again this year by Rep. James Burke (D-Miami) that would make a recommendation of life imprisonment binding on the court.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[image - James Burke]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[end page]</text>
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              <text>The attorney for two death row inmates just granted last-minute stays of execution says Florida may not be allowed to execute any more prisoners until the U.S. Supreme Court decides on a crucial legal issue now under consideration. Michael Mello, who defended both Paul Beasley Johnson and Edward Dean Kennedy for the state’s capital collateral appeals office, said most executions will be on hold until the court rules on the fairness of allowing prosecutors to dismiss jurors who express strong opposition to capital punishment. Several jurors were dismissed on those grounds in the trials of Johnson and Kennedy. Both Johnson and Kennedy had been scheduled for execution early today. Kennedy received a stay from the U.S. Supreme Court on Friday, and Johnson received a stay from Florida’s highest court early Monday. In both cases, Mello based his appeal for stays on the fairness of the challenge law. “I’m absolutely ecstatic. I don’t see how they can kill anybody now, with these issues,” Mellow said. “What they’ve been doing nationally is granting stays in every case where this applies,” he said. “It’s evident to me the U.S. Supreme Court has decided no one is going to die until they settle this issue.” The case in question-Lockhart v. McCree- was argued before the court on Jan. 13, Mello said. The court does not have a set deadline on reaching a decision, he said, but is expected to rule before its current term ends on June 30. Johnson was sentenced to death for the January 1981 murders of William Evans, Darrell Ray Beasley and Deputy Sheriff Theron Burnham in Polk County. Court records state Johnson shot Evans twice and robbed him after the taxi driver picked him up outside a Winter Haven theater late at night on Jan. 8.</text>
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              <text>ATLANTA — The execution of a convict who was under 18 at the time he committed the crime would violate evolving standards of decency established by history and law, an attorney argued before the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals yesterday. &#13;
&#13;
Mike Mello represented Florida Death Row inmate Paul Magill, who was 17 when he was charged with first-degree murder, rape and armed robbery of a 25-year-old Marion County convenience store clerk.&#13;
&#13;
"If the state says he is too immature to vote, too immature to buy liquor for another four years, too immature to go to jai alai and bet, too immature to enter into a contract, too immature to make out a will . . . the state can't turn around and say you're mature enough to be executed," Mello argued.&#13;
&#13;
But Margene Roper, an assistant Florida attorney general, said Mello's characterization of his client pales against "the brutal savage act of murder" committed by Magill. &#13;
&#13;
"You can't say that no one knows murder isn't evil . . . simple immaturity is not going to excuse that act," she said.&#13;
&#13;
"The capital punishment of a juvenile is a fair form of retribution for a crime that so defiles the dignity of the community," Ms. Roper said.</text>
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              <text>In a first-degree murder case, when a judge and a jury don’t see eye-to-eye on the sentence, as has occurred at least five times in the last seven years in Escambia County, the judge gets the last word.&#13;
&#13;
In four local cases, judges overrode jury recommendations for life in prison and imposed the death penalty, deciding that aggravating circumstances outweighed mitigating circumstances. And in one case, a judge overrode a jury recommendation for the death penalty and imposed a life sentence.&#13;
&#13;
It’s a system that Chief Escambia Circuit Judge M.C. Blanchard would like to see changed: He’s in favor of proposed legislation that would require judges to follow jury recommendations for life sentences but would allow them to override jury recommendations for death.&#13;
&#13;
“It would help a great deal in keeping our death penalty constitutional.” He said, adding that the jury should have access to the same pre-sentence information – currently, some of it is confidential – that the judge has in determining the sentence. &#13;
&#13;
Here’s a rundown of the five local cases:&#13;
&#13;
In 1978, Judge George Lowrey ignored a jury’s advice and sentenced to death Thomas McCampbell, convicted in the murder of Winn-Dixie security guard Buddy Ray. The Florida Supreme Court later upheld the conviction but reversed the death sentence.&#13;
&#13;
In 1979, Judge William Frye overruled a jury recommendation for a life sentence and imposed the death penalty on Marvin Edwin Johnson, Convicted in the killing of Warrington pharmacist Woodrow Moulton. The Florida Supreme Court upheld the conviction and sentence, and Johnson is on death row.&#13;
&#13;
In 1980, in a rare reverse decision, Frye overrode a jury recommendation for death and sentenced Edward Clifton Cleveland to life in prison for murdering a 15-year-old runaway girl and then dismembering her body and placing some parts in sealed garbage bags.&#13;
&#13;
In 1983, Judge Joseph Tarbuck overrode a jury recommendation for life and sentenced to death Anthony Brown, accused in the murder of Veteran’s Gas Co. delivery man James Dasinger. Three weeks ago, after a retrial won on a technicality, Brown was acquitted, the result of the star prosecution witness flip-flopping on his testimony.&#13;
&#13;
Also in 1983, Judge William Rowlet overrode a jury’s recommendation and sentenced to death William Eutzy, convicted in the murder of West Hill Taxi Stand driver Herman Hughley. The Florida Supreme Court upheld that conviction, and Eutzy is on death row.&#13;
&#13;
Exactly what goes through a jury’s mind during its secret proceedings is difficult to determine; by contrast, judges are required by law to provide a written explanation for imposition of the death penalty.&#13;
&#13;
What follows is a look back at the Johnson and Brown cases.&#13;
&#13;
	In court testimony, Warrington Pharmacy employee Gary Summitt, an eyewitness, gave this account of Marvin Johnson’s armed robbery and murder of Woodrow MoultonL&#13;
	Summitt went to the back of the store to as Moulton a question and found Johnson holding a gun on Moulton and ordering him to fill a bag with drugs and money.&#13;
	After obtaining what he wanted, Johnson started toward the front of the store, and Moulton grabbed a gun from behind the prescription counter. There was an exchange of gunfire, with Moulton firing at Johnson until his gun was emptied.&#13;
	No longer able to defend himself, Moulton stood up with his hands in the air. Johnson walked to within a foot and a half of him, said, “You think you’re a smart son-of-a-bitch, don’t you?”, shot him in the chest and fled.&#13;
&#13;
The jury after finding Johnson guilty, recommended that Judge Frye impose a life sentence. Instead, Frye sentenced Johnson to death, a decision that was upheld in a split decision by the Florida Supreme Court.&#13;
	Interviews last week with jurors indicate some were pleased with Frye’s decision and others were not. “I didn’t want to have a guilty conscience, even though I thought he deserved death,” said Rugby Watford. “I was glad the judge did what he did.”&#13;
	“I just don’t believe you can (sentence him to death) on one witness,” said Doroth Grissom. “I said maybe he did it. We really didn’t feel he deserved that chair.”&#13;
	“One of the questionsthey asked the jurors was whether we could impose the death sentence, and we all said yes then when it was time to decide, a lot of the jurors said their religious beliefs wouldn’t let them vote for the death penalty,” said Constance Fletcher. “To me, that’s an obstruction of justice. I was really upset. I was so happy when the judge overruled us.”&#13;
	“(Johnson) went in with the intention of getting drugs, not with the intention of shooting (Moulton),” said Pearl Middlecoff. “If Moulton hadn’t shot at him, he would be alive today . . . I put myself in (Johnson’s) position. I probably would have done the same thing. I think the judge was very much out of place.”&#13;
	Frye, who had found five aggravating factors and no mitigating factors, said he has no second thoughts about his decision.&#13;
	“Moulton was out of ammunition and holding up hs hands. Point-blank, 2 or 3 feet away, he fired right through his heart. That was a cold-blooded murder,” he said.&#13;
	In the Supreme Court appeal, four justices concurred with Frye that “death is the appropriate sentence to be imposed for this atrocious and cruel execution murder committed during the commission of an armed robbery by an escaped convict who previously had been convicted of felonies involving the use of threat or violence.”&#13;
	Three justices dissented, saying&#13;
&#13;
that “the fusillade of pistol shots initiated by the victim and the apparent conscious act of the appellant to spare the two other occupants of the premises from kidnapping or murder support a reasoned judgment by the jury in favor of a life sentence.”&#13;
	Frye pointed out that in the Cleveland case, he overrode the jury in the opposite direction because the case law prevented him from considering that the body was cut into pieces after death.&#13;
	“I knew it was a risky thing to do in a political sense,” he said, “but I could not sentence that man to death knowing it was against the law . . . The jury (got) all inflamed because it was so gruesome.” &#13;
	The case against Anthony Brown, accused in the first-degree murder of Veteran’s Gas Co. deliveryman James Dasinger, rested largely on the testimony of co-defendant Wyndell Rogers, who pleaded guilty to a reduced charge of second-degree murder in exchange for his testimony.&#13;
	During the first trial, Rogers said Brown set up Dasinger to make a delivery in a sparsely populated area of Cantoment and then killed him with a shotgun blast to the chest. The jury found Brown guilty and recommended a life sentence; but Judge Tarbuck, finding the four aggravating factors, sentenced him to death.&#13;
	On a reversal unrelated to his sentence, the Florida Supreme Court granted Brown a new trial. And at that trial, after Rogers recanted his testimony and said Brown was not even present when Dasinger was killed, a jury found him innocent.&#13;
	“That’s a lesson that a judge should never impose the death penalty on the basis of one person’s testimony,” said Micheal Mello, a Tallahassee attorney who has handled several death override appeals. “It sends shivers up my spine.”&#13;
	Bob Dennis, Brown’s defense attorney at the first trial, agrees. “I don’t think a person should be sentenced to death unless the evidence is absolutely clear, unless there’s a smoking gun,” he said.&#13;
	&#13;
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              <text>JACKSONVILLE, Fla., April 7 (AP)&#13;
— On the eve of his execution date in November 1984, Gary Alvord was interviewed by three psychiatrists who asked him about his understanding of of how and why he was to die in the electric chair.&#13;
&#13;
The doctors reported their findings to Gov. Bob Graham. He decided Mr. Alvord did not understand the impending punishment, so the inmate was sent to a state mental institution.&#13;
This month, in a separate capital punishment case, the United States Supreme Court is to hear arguments on whether the Constitution protects the mentally incompetent from execution and whether Florida's method of determining competence is proper.&#13;
The Florida law says that if the inmate "understands the nature of the death penalty and why it is to be imposed on him" he can be executed.&#13;
&#13;
A 'Narrow and Precise' Issue&#13;
&#13;
"That's a very, very narrow and precise thing," said Dr. David Taubel, director of mental health for the State Department of Corrections. "If a person knows he is going to be executed because he killed a person, he fits the definition of competence in the law."&#13;
Opponents say the law improperly leaves the decision to the Governor, in this case one who has ordered more than 100 execution, 13 of which have been carried out.&#13;
Dick Burr, a public defender, said: "We believe the decision of competence should be made by a judge, not by the Governor. The Governor of this state is too pro-death. The decision should be decided by a neutral judicial process."&#13;
&#13;
Another Man Awaits Outcome&#13;
&#13;
Mr. Burr had raised the competency question on behalf of Alvin Ford, another death row inmate. His is the case the Supreme Court is scheduled to review.&#13;
Mr. Ford's lawyers say that since he entered prison 11 years ago for the 1974 killing of a Fort Lauderdale police officer he has gone insane and is "flamboyantly schizophrenic."&#13;
The state maintains that Mr. Ford is mentally competent to be executed.&#13;
&#13;
Also awaiting the court's ruling will be Aubrey Dennis Adams Jr., who was determined fit to be executed by a panel of psychiatrists who examined him March 6.&#13;
His attorneys say the inmate has amnesia and does not remember the day in January 1978 that an 8-year-old Ocala girl was strangled, the death for which he was convicted.&#13;
Dr. Ernest Miller, one of the psychiatrists who examined Mr. Adams, said competency should be decided in a court setting "and stand the test of adversarial proceedings."&#13;
&#13;
"Let the psychiatrists defend their reasoning," said Dr. Miller, of University Hospital in Jacksonville.&#13;
In a recent interview, Governor Graham said the issue was whether the inmate understood what the punishment was while execution was imminent. "It's not a question of guilt or innocence," he added.&#13;
Dr. George Barnard, a University of Florida psychiatrist who participated in one panel considering competence and vows never to do it again, said that no clear standards governed what the psychiatrists should do and how they should report and that a more detailed examination was needed.&#13;
In Mr. Adam's case the psychiatrists asked him if he knew why they were examining him, if he understood the execution process, his feelings about his family, what he remembered about the day of the crime, what his trial defense was and what he had for lunch the day before, said Michael Radelet, a sociologist at the University of Florida.&#13;
"They didn't gather enough information or the right information," said Mr. Radelet, who sat in on the interview.&#13;
Mike Mello, who helped defend Mr. Adams, questioned how three psychiatrists could rule that he was competent to die in the hour they spent with him in what he called a "circus environment."&#13;
&#13;
They psychiatrists reported to the Governor's office. Governor Graham determined that Mr. Adams could die the next morning. The execution was stayed by the Supreme Court.&#13;
&#13;
Mr. Mello, who researched the competency issue in the Adams and Ford cases, sail all that defense attorneys wanted was "a fair determination of competency."</text>
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              <text>David Livingston Funchess, a decorated Viet Nam war veteran, died in Florida's electric chair Tuesday afternoon after Gov. Bob Graham refused him executive clemency and the U.S. Supreme Court denied him a stay of execution. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Funchess had originally been scheduled to die at 7 a.m. Tuesday morning but a panel of the 11th Circuit Court of Appeal in Atlanta granted him a five-hour stay so the High Court would have time to rule on the case. The Supreme Court delayed the execution another five hours but voted 7-2 to reject the appeal. Following a two-minute surge of 2,000 volts, Funchess, 39, was pronounced dead at 5[:]11 p.m. He is the 15th man to die in the state's electric chair since the death penalty was reinstated in 1976 and the first Viet Nam veteran to be executed in the nation. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;When asked by prison officials if he wanted to make a last statement to the press, Funchess said "No." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Defense attorneys argued the ex-Marine suffered from Post Traumatic Stress Disorder-a recently recognized war-induced mental illness-at the time he was convicted for two 1974 Jacksonville bar murders. In their court appeals and request for executive clemency from the governon, they said PTSD was never mentioned during Funchess' 1975 trial or sentencing. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"This man came back from Viet Nam in real bad shape," said Tom Fischer, a member of Veterans for Peace who spent one year in Viet Nam. "That was never considered in court. We're protesting the fact that he was executed without considering that. To ignore it is to ignore him as a human being." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Fischer and 30 others gathered for a second time at the Viet Nam Veterans Memorial across from the Old Capitol on Monroe Street for a vigil following the execution Tuesday afternoon. The group had protested the execution earlier at a noon vigil. Fischer told reporters that if the governor or other politicians who were present at the dedication of the war monument last November had respect for those who fought in Viet Nam, they would have reconsidered Funchess' case. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Not long ago, when this (the memorial) was built, Gov. Graham and other politicians stood here and said that it was time to separate the warriors from the war," said Fischer, adding Graham had reneded on that statement by not considering Funchess' Viet Name experiences. "I don't consider Graham a friend of Viet Nam vets." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Despite appeals from defense attorneys, Graham refused executive clemency to Funchess Monday. The governor's legal advisor Art Weidinger said the effects of PTSD on the former soldier had already been presented to Graham at his first clemency hearing in 1982. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"He (Graham) didn't believe PTSD was a factor in considering clemency," Weidinger said Tuesday. He said Graham feels Funchess' case has been litigated fully in the courts. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;But Michael Mello, a lawyer for Capital Collateral Review--a state-funded agency that represents indigent Death Row inmates--said the issue at hand was that PTSD had not been presented as mitigating evidence to the jury that tried Funchess for murder in 1975. He said PTSD had not even been recognized as a genuine illness back then, but regardless of that, Funchess' trial lawyers should have included his 1967 tour of Viet Nam as part of the evidence. "That's where it (the evidence) counted," said Mello. "Once you've already been convicted, there's a real inertia to commute the death sentence to life in prison. David's trial lawyer could have done more--the jury could have been told he was a decorated war hero, they could have been told about his childhood. All of that would've been incredible mitigating evidence to the jury even though PTSD had not been diagnosed," Mello said.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;According to court affidavits, Funchess never committed a crime before going to Viet Name. But he returned from Southeast Asia a drastically changed man. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;At the late afternoon vigil, people looked at their watches. it was 5:20. "It must be over by now," one woman told another. Others held each other and wept. Still others stared at the color photograph of Funchess in his Marine uniform placed atop a basket of flowers. The group formed a circle in between the two huge granite columns that for the war monument. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Rev. Jim Hardison, a coordinator of the death penalty project for Florida IMPACT--an interfaith lobby group for social justice issues--said he was angered not by capital punishment per se but by the way the state administers it. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"Again we've taken a poor, penniless, minority person who was mentally ill and executed him," Hardison said. Other present said they felt compelled to speak. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;"We're really appalled by your callous indifference toward David Funchess," said Linda Reynolds, Director of the Florida Clearinghouse on Criminal Justice, referring to the governor. "Viet Nam veterans will not forget what you've done today.["] "David Funchess was killed twice by society," Reynolds said. "Once in Viet Nam and once today." &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;strong&gt;A United Press International story was used to compile this report.&lt;/strong&gt;</text>
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              <text>The Florida Flambeau is published by the Florida Flambeau Foundation, Inc., an independent, non-profit corporation which is solely responsible for the contents of the paper. Florida Flambeau Foundation, Inc., Newsroom, 505 S. Woodward Avenue, phone 681-6695; Mailing address, P.O. Box 20287, Tallahassee, Florida, 32316. Eileen M. Drennen.............Editor Moni Basu..........Editor Designate Joe Pankowski, Jr....Sports Editor Rodney Campbell..Ast. Sports Ed. J.L. Branch..............Arts Editor B.G. Dilworth...Asst. Arts Editor Deborah Thomas..............Photo Editor Staff: Kathy Armistead, Pete Butler, John Dixon, G. Alan Fineout, Linda Hall, Ted Hardin, Steve Johnson, John Lowndes, Jack McCarthy, Mia Lucas, Mike Odgen, Bill Otersen, D.K. Roberts, Jeffrey Romance, Barrington Salmon, Mark Stevens, Mark Sullivan, Maria Telli, Don Watz, Nancy Wonder, Linda Young</text>
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              <text>Words can come back to haunt you. Listen to Gov. Bob Graham at the dedication of the Viet Nam War Memorial in Nov. 11, 1985. He mourns the 386,000 Floridians who gave their lives in service to their country during the Viet Nam War, and recognizes how the experience "marked" the lives of those who didn't lose their lives there: "Today we take a giant step in the healing process. . . We say to all who served, welcome home—and we express our heart-felt gratitude for your bravery and spirit of sacrifice. . . We who live in freedom salute you, as we commemorate those who made the ultimate sacrifice. Your actions speak more eloquently than our words, even a decade or more later...Many have fought to overcome the physical as well as the spiritual effects of that conflict. The contributions the Viet Nam veterans are making today is powerful testimony to their character, and to their talent." Listen to Graham defending his decision to ignore the last wish of an ex-Marine—one of those Florida veterans he's so proud of. The vet is the first ever to face the electric chair in America, and is compelling evidence of how the war and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder turned him into a broken heroin addict, sending him ever downward, until he kills two people in a Jacksonville bar and winds up on Death Row. Listen to Graham tell the man, as he told us at the dedication ceremony last year, that time has opened the eyes of the American public to the ultimate sacrifice he and all veterans made for us, and how anxious we are to try and pay them back: Sure, PTSD is a problem—but he had his chance at raising the issue before the court already, and there is no reason to bring it up again. But, David Livingston Funchess' claims of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder were never heard by the jury that convicted him of murder. His friends and family from Jacksonville, who saw him come back from the war a stranger, were never given the opportunity to tell the court what they knew. No one cared then; no one cares now. Least of all the man who claimed to honor this veteran, but turned a deaf ear to his last request on this earth.</text>
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              <text>[image - Supreme Court political cartoon drawing]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Some people say the composition of the Supreme Court defies political labels. But those who oppose the death penalty are not among that number, and a recent decision that allows prosecutors to exclude capital punishment abolitionists is confirmation that the justices are primarily a conservative lot. The court’s decisions and its logic are riddled with contradictions. Justice Thurgood Marshall, the only Black member on the court and the most consistent, said the death penalty ruling gives “the prosecution license to empanel a jury” to virtually insure a guilty verdict. Marshall was joined by Justices William Brennan and John Paul Stevens in dissenting from the 6-3 majority decision. “Because I believe that such a blatant disregard for the rights of a capital defendant offends logic, fairness and the Constitution, I dissent,” Marshall wrote. He added that “the court upholds a practice that allows the state a special advantage in those prosecutions where the charges are the most serious and the possible punishments the most severe.” On April 30, one week earlier, the court handed down three important decisions regarding criminal prosecution. In one instance, which has been praised as a step forward by civil rights organizations, the justices rightly ruled that prosecutors cannot exclude Blacks from juries on the basis of race. The decision limits the use of peremptory challenges, which in the past could not be questioned. Now a minority defendant may object to such a challenge, and the prosecutor has the burden of convincing the judge that the challenge is not racially motivated. Though Marshall agreed that the ruling is a “historic step toward eliminating the shameful practice of racial discrimination in the selection of juries, it did not go far enough.” Once challenged, contended Marshall, “any prosecutor can easily assert . . . neutral reasons for striking a juror, and trial courts are ill-equipped to second-guess those reasons.” It is well known that district attorneys have abused peremptory challenges to stack juries, so that Black defendants are usually judged by all-white panels. “The misuse of peremptories has become the standard method for excluding Blacks from jury service,” said Steve Ralston of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. “The problem is nationwide in scope,” he added. But, as Marshall pointed out, the ruling should have been stronger. Instead, the decision exemplifies the half-hearted fairness that represents the best we can expect from the current majority. On the other hand, while the court is open to some long overdue concessions in the racially biased structure of the trial system, there is a deeply ingrained hostility against death-row prisoners. “Most disturbing,” says Mike Mello of Florida’s Capital Collateral Representatives, “was the tone of the ruling and the cavalier way the court approached the situation. It was another example of the court’s unwillingness to consider any systematic assault on the death penalty,” concludes Mello, who is an attorney for many of the state’s 200 prisoners on death row. At one time a trial judge could exclude anyone who happened to express the mildest reservation concerning the death penalty. But in 1968 the court ruled that only those who refused to vote for a death sentence were to be excluded—not from participating in the trial, only in the process of passing sentence. Now, any prospective juror who is against the death penalty can be barred from a capital case. “It is outrageous,” declared Henry Schwartzchild, director of the American Civil Liberties Union’s Capital Punishment Project. Mello said the decision forces attorneys for death-row prisoners into mainly “rearguard challenges.” “We are forced to avoid anything,” Mello told the Guardian, “that raises general issues and simply deal on a case-by-case basis.” As a consequence, most of the 1750 prisoners currently on death row have lost virtually all grounds for appealing their sentences. And that means the rate of executions will pick up sharply. In addition, we can expect a lot more convictions with death sentences, as prosecutors are given a freer hand to pick jurors predisposed to that outcome. That’s not justice—that’s lynch law.</text>
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              <text>[[Chair-image]] ‘The death penalty is a fact of life, if that isn’t an oxymoron’: North Carolina chair</text>
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              <text>When Gara LaMarche moved to Texas to become the new head of the state Civil Liberties Union, he felt a duty to participate in protests outside the capitol building on the night of executions. Two years later LaMarche and his colleagues don’t bother, allowing condemned killers to go to their deaths without benefit of public protest. “It’s the rare human being who can muster the same level of outrage for the 16th execution as for the first,” he says. “The death penalty is a fact of life, if that isn’t an oxymoron. It doesn’t mean that people don’t care—it’s that you have to focus your energies where they make a difference.”&#13;
&#13;
Those energies this week will be focused on the U.S. Supreme Court. Once again, carrying the hopes and fears of 1,788 inmates on the nation’s death rows, lawyers from the NAACP Legal Defense Fund will petition the court to strike down the death penalty, this time on grounds it is racially biased. The appeal promises to be the final skirmish of a long, rear-guard legal battle. “This is the last case that has the potential of clearing death row and getting rid of the death penalty,” says Mike Mello, a Florida defense lawyer. For 10 years foes of capital punishment have crafted sweeping appeals to the high court that, if successful, would have undermined dozens of death sentences. But just as regularly the court has rebuffed them, turning back ingenious claims that capital sentences were imposed in a disproportionate manner or that juries were tilted toward conviction by the elimination of potential jurors who expressed doubts about the death penalty.&#13;
&#13;
The cases before the court rest on the findings of researchers that killers of whites were much more likely to be condemned than killers of blacks. In a study of 2,484 Georgia homicides between 1973 and 1979, University of Iowa law Prof. David Baldus initially found that killers of whites were 11 times more likely to receive the death sentence. Determined to settle any doubts about the disparity, Baldus took another look at his piles of trial transcripts, appellate briefs, prison files, parole-board records, police reports and other documents. He reanalyzed his numbers to eliminate the statistical impact of cases with aggravating circumstances, such as those in which the murderers had long criminal records or had committed especially heinous deeds. And Baldus still concluded that killers of whites were more than four times more likely to get the death sentence than killers of blacks. Nationwide, 1,713 of the death-row inmates—about 96 percent—were killers of whites; 1,051 are themselves white.&#13;
&#13;
Lawyers for Warren McCleskey, a black man who killed a white police officer during a furniture-store robbery in Atlanta, used the Baldus study to appeal his sentence. But one federal court found the study flawed and another held that even if accurate it was not sufficiently compelling to eliminate other explanations for the disparate treatment of the murder defendant. On appeal to the high court, McCleskey’s lawyers will argue that the numbers are so convincing that state prosecutors should be required to explain the apparent disparities.&#13;
&#13;
Indeed, McCleskey’s defense lawyer, John Charles Boger, will argue that he wants the numbers treated as they are in other cases where a statistical inference is deemed sufficient for a finding of bias. “Evidence that would amply suffice if the stakes were a job promotion or the selection of a jury should not be disregarded when the stakes are life and death,” Boger says.&#13;
&#13;
Mary Beth Westmoreland, Georgia assistant attorney general, contends that the studies are unsound and inadequate. “There are simply too many unique factors relevant to each individual case to allow statistics to be an effective tool in providing intentional discrimination,” she argues. Georgia clearly is the favorite going into the hearing; several justices have been impatient and unsympathetic in recent years with the pace of executions. &#13;
&#13;
A companion case from Florida raises a related issue: does a condemned inmate have an automatic right to a hearing on claims of racial discrimination? A study of sentences in eight states, including Florida and Georgia, had shown a pattern similar to that which Baldus found. “The discrimination we found is based on the race of the victim, and it is a remarkably stable and consistent phenomenon,” explains Stanford law Prof. Samuel R. Gross. Winning on the hearing issue would give capital-punishment foes another delaying tactic, but one without much substantive bite if they lose the McCleskey appeal: attorneys would have to show overt acts of racial discrimination by prosecutors or jurors, something that is close to impossible.&#13;
&#13;
While the legal issues boil, execution has become a routine matter in a handful of states. “The executions are now back [in the newspapers] with the obituaries, which is where they belong,” says Texas prosecutor Cappy Eads, chairman of the National District Attorneys Association. “There’s less tendency to glamorize the executed defendant and more of a feeling that he got what he deserved.” And the pace is quickening; eight executions already this year in Texas and three others in Florida. But no state can keep up with the fresh supply of condemned inmates, 31 each in Florida and Texas since January, nearly all of whom, if they can find lawyers, will resist in the courts the trip down the Last Mile.&#13;
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              <text>For eight years the small crossroads town of Lake City has focused its outrage toward Starke, the prison town where Theodore Bundy awaits Florida's electric chair for the brutal murder of 12-year-old Kimberly Diane Leach. But Tuesday, Lake City turned its anger to Atlanta, where a three judge panel from the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals halted the execution of Bundy, scheduled for that day. Lake City--and indeed, much of Florida, was still stinging from an 11th-hour stay granted Bundy by the Atlanta appeals court in July for his conviction in the murders of two Chi Omega sorority sisters at Florida State University. "I'm very hard pressed to explain to the average person on the street how our system can allow situations such as this," said State Attorney Jerry Blair, who prosecuted Bundy in the Leach slaying. "We've got some judicial activists there, and they are certainly perceived to have a bias toward death penalty cases, and the public is getting very frustrated." The 18 judges who sit on the 11th Circuit bench, which hears federal appeals from Florida, Georgia, and Alabama, have withstood much greater pressure--including a petition drive seeking the ouster of three of its members. In October, the House Judiciary Committee declined to recommend the impeachment of 11th Circuit Judges Frank Johnson, Thomas Clark and R. Lanier Anderson. The committee decided for the first time that federal judges could not be impeached on the basis of an unpopular judicial decision. The decision granted a new trial to two men sentenced to die in Georgia's electric chair for killing &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[end page]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[start page]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;six members of the Alday family in Seminole County. It so outraged rural South Georgia that 100,000 people signed petitions seeking the impeachment of Johnson, Clark, and Anderson. Mike Mello is a defense attornry who has represented both Bundy and Nollie Lee Martin, convicted in the 1977 rapw and murder of a Boynton Beach convenience store clerk. Mello says he fears that outrage may have a "chilling effect" on the appeals court's independence. "That's the very reason why federal judges are appointed for life," Mello said. "The purpose is to remove the business of judging--especially judging emotionally laden, intense cases--from the political fray." Since the administration of Gov. Ruben Askew, the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals has issued 25 stays of execution for Florida death row inmates, compared to 18 stays from state circuit judges, 30 from the Florida Supreme Court, 54 by federal district court judges, eight from the U.S. Supreme C ourt and three from Gov. Bob Graham. The 25 stays are not a high proportion. Still, the appeals court's last minute stay of execution for Bundy--a former law student once accused of as many as 36 murders--prompted some people in the governors office to refer to the appeals court as a kind of bottleneck, slowing the process toward execution. "It's not kind of a bottleneck; it is a bottleneck," said Art Wiedinger, general counsel to Graham. Wiedinger suggested the Atlanta-based appeals court --and most of the federal court system--practices a kind of "legal fly-specking" that obscures the more important question of guilt or innocence in capital cases. "Most of the issues raised don't go to the search for truth or whether the person did it," Wiedinger said. "I'm not saying these are not important cases that need to be reviewed. But they are automatically reviwed by the Florida Supreme Court, and they don't need three or four or five reviews, which is the way we are now going." Graham said last week: "One thing that distinguishes a capital case from all other cases is that the accused has a strong interest in delay. "If one is serving 20 years for armed robbery, yu've got an incentive to want to expedite your appeal, because, if you're successful, you may get out of jail or get a new trial. In capital cases, people don't want to have finality because, if the finality is against them, they are going to be executed." Graham said the system must be changed, or "the whole process is going to be jammed." But Professor Steven Winter of the University of Miami Law School blames politicians, not judges, for the logjam of federal death appeals. Borrowing a metaphor from death penalty advocates, Winter argued that Graham has created the bottleneck himself by attempting to force more capital cases into the federal court pipeline than it was designed to handle. Graham signs as many as four death warrants every month. "There's a real question concerning the extent to which the system in Florida is affected by political concerns," Winter said. Three judges from the 11th Circuit expressed the same concern last month when--during oral arguments--they accused the Florida Attorney General's office of playing politics in its handling of Ted Bundy's Chi Omega murder case. In response, Attorney General Jim Smith charged that the three judges "verbally abused" Assistant Attorney General Gregory Costas and asked Chief Justice William Rehnquist to investigate the Oct. 23 incident. "These reported remarks were unwarranted and a significant departure from judicial impartiality," Smith charged in an Oct. 30 letter to Rehnquist. "I am especially at the court's hinting that, somehow, the state's position was more political than legal." Citing the incident, Blair, the Lake City prosecutor, suggested judges in the 11th Circuit have used their bench as a soapbox from which to fight capital punishment. "Unfortunately, the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals has a well-deserved reputation as a bastion of liberalism populated by people who have a philosophical disagreement with capital punishment and who use their public forum in court to promote their views on capital punishment," Blair said. "They are perceived in the eyes of many as frustrating the will of the people and, really, frustrating the criminal justice system." Criticism of the 11th Circuit's political philosophy dates back more than 20 years, before the circuit was even created. In 1981, the old 5th Circuit Court of Appeals--which included most of the Deep South--was split in half, with Florida, Georgia and Alabama joining the new 11th Circuit. Frank Johnson, who has sat on eight panels that granted stays to Florida death row inmates, cut his teeth judicially while a U.S. District Court judge in Montgomery Ala. Alabama Gov. George Wallace feuded bitterly with Johnson over his efforts to desegregate Alabama's public schools. Circuit Judge Elbert Tuttle, now on senior status, was one of a four member bloc of the old 5th Circuit--chronicled in former Circuit Judge Jack Bass's book Unlikely Heroes--who regularly challenged the Deep South's most well-rooted traditions, paticularly segregation. Tuttle and Johnson, who is a former U.S. Attorney, are considered by death penalty advocates and opponents to be members of a core of 11th Circuit Court judges with reservations about capital punishment. Still, many of the 11th Circuit's written opinions display not so much distaste for the death sentence as a desire that the ultimate penalty be administered fairly, Mello believes. Circuit Judge Joseph Hatchett, for instance, dissented from a decision not to hear the appeal of John Eldon Smith, condemned for the execution-style murder of a Bibb County, Ga., couple. Hatchett argued it was unfair for Smith to die when his wife, Rebecca, was given a life sentence for the same crime. Called the "death court" by Mello, the 11th Circuit hears more appeals from condemned inmates than any other--almost a third of the nation's total. "The 11th Circuit is an excruciatingly painful position because of the number of death cases it has to deal withcompared to any other circuit," said Bruce Winick, University of Miami Law School professor. "Judges in the 11th Circuit feel it in their bones, because these are the hardest cases." Some members of the legal system--including Graham, Smith, Blair and Georgia Attorney General Mike Bowers--support legislation that would set a two-year limit on habeas corpus petitions, thus allowing death row inmates two years after they are sentenced to appeal in federal court. "The federal courts, in effect, have been called upon to make virtually unrestricted review of state court convictions," Bowers said. "As long as that is the case, there will be an interminable delay in ultimately resolving death penalty cases."&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[image - Frank Johnson]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[image - Elbert Tuttle]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[image caption - Appeals court judges Framk Johnson (left) and Elbert Tuttle.]</text>
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              <text>A U.S. Supreme Court Wednesday inspired a former death-case lawyer to blast Florida’s court system for decisions he thinks probably cost several lives.&#13;
&#13;
Mike Mello was an assistant public defender in West Palm Beach when he tried, in federal appeals court, to overturn James Ernest Hitchcock’s death sentence. Mello now lives in Washington, D.C.&#13;
&#13;
The appeal argued that Hitchcock’s 1977 sentence was imposed unfairly because the judge interpreted Florida statutes – as many judges apparently did – as meaning that judges and juries deciding on the death penalty could consider only the specific list of mitigating circumstances spelled out in Florida law.&#13;
Such limiting of possible leniency-inspiring factors is unconstitutional, the Supreme Court ruled Wednesday, as it did in a similar U.S. Supreme Court decision in a 1978 Ohio case. &#13;
The 1978 ruling changed the sentencing rules in Florida, too. Mello said those sentenced to death in Florida before then have had no luck getting their sentences reviewed – until now.&#13;
Hitchcock, sentenced to death in 1977, had his appeal rejected by Florida’s supreme court despite the 1978 U.S. Supreme Court decision.&#13;
But on Wednesday, Hitchcock won a new sentencing hearing in a 9-0 vote of the nation’s highest court. &#13;
&#13;
The decision was a spark of good news for death-penalty opponents in Florida on the day when a more sweeping U.S. Supreme Court decision was made in favor of death-penalty backers.&#13;
&#13;
But Mello said the Hitchcock decision not only gives Hitchcock a chance at a life sentence with a 25-year mandatory, it also gives hope to a number of other long-time Florida Death Row veterans.&#13;
&#13;
Florida’s Attorneys General’s office has a more conservative opinion, but Mello said, “The case will affect two dozen or so cases in Florida. Basically, every Florida death sentence approved prior to summer of ’78 has this issue in it.”&#13;
&#13;
Several other possible cases may have become moot in the most final way possible – by the executions of the potential appellants, he said.&#13;
Mello lapsed from his restrained, professional tone when he said, “Almost every one of these people who’ve been executed has had the same damn issue. You’ve got a dozen dead people who were tried during the same period, and some had the same errors.&#13;
&#13;
“That’s what’s wrong with the death penalty,” Mello said. “If you happen to be still alive when the big decision comes out, then you get a new trial. If your case was a little too early, tough.”&#13;
Carolyn Snurnowski, director of criminal appeals for Florida’s Attorney General’s office, said she could not agree that many of those executed in Florida in recent years would have been entitled to new sentencings.&#13;
&#13;
But Snurnowski did agree the Hitchcock decision will mean her office will have to handle a flurry of appeals, “just as all U.S. Supreme Court decisions do,” she said. “We’ll live with it.”&#13;
&#13;
She would not speculate about how many of those appeals might succeed. &#13;
Mello said the ruling would not lead to new trials or dropped charges – just to new sentence hearings in which more mitigating circumstances would be presented and considered. &#13;
&#13;
“This isn’t going to put anyone back on the street,” Mello said. “The only question is life or death.”&#13;
&#13;
Hitchcock was convicted of strangling his 13-year-old stepdaughter in Orange County in 1976 when he was 20. Almost four years ago he received a stay of execution the day before his scheduled death by electrocution. &#13;
&#13;
At his trial, his defense lawyer asked the judge and jury to consider Hitchcock’s age, lack of significant criminal history, poor upbringing, potential for rehabilitation and his voluntary surrender to police.&#13;
&#13;
“Look at the overall picture,” the defense argued at the sentencing, according to Mello. &#13;
But the trial judge who imposed the death sentence referred in jury instructions, and in his own execution order, only to Florida’s list of mitigating factors. &#13;
&#13;
The list included age and prior record – but none of the other considerations that the defense argued were relevant.&#13;
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              <text>The U.S. Supreme Court rejects a key challenge to capital punishment.</text>
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              <text>In Illinois last week, 105 inmates sat on death row, only one facing a likely execution before 1989. In California, 171 killers waited to walk the Last Mile, but only one is close to going to the gas chamber this year. In Florida, the nation’s largest colony of the condemned held 268; none had a set appointment to die. And even in Texas, where capital punishment has been used most often recently, 250 convicted murderers were just marking time in their cells: the state averages but one execution a month. &#13;
&#13;
After 11 years of work, lawyers, courts, and killers have managed to create a system of capital punishment that satisfies no one. Proponents write stern statutes, win convictions and then watch the expanding gridlock on death row. Abolitionists anguish over public opinion and unyielding laws yet succeed in blocking most executions because of flaws in the state’s case or procedures. Families of victims have neither peace nor vengeance; killers, no certain punishment; justice, no resolution.&#13;
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This erratic system appears certain to continue staggering on for at least a few more years despite a landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision last week. By a 5-4 vote, the justices rejected a challenge by condemned killer Warren McCleskey to Georgia’s death-penalty practices. McClesky, a black man who killed a white cop, based his claim on a statistical finding that in Georgia, killers of whites were four times more likely to be sentenced to die than killers of blacks. The argument had broad implications: three quarters of the 1,874 inmates on death rows nationally killed whites, so a decision for McCleskey could have arguable barred most executions for the rest of the decade. &#13;
&#13;
Writing for the majority, Justice Lewis F. Powell Jr. concluded that McCleskey’s numbers alone did not prove enough to validate Georgia’s death penalty. While acknowledging that the statistics “indicate a discrepancy that appears to correlate with race,” McCleskey had no clear evidence that he was a victim of racial bias. “Apparent disparities in sentencing are an inevitable part of our criminal justice system,” Powell wrote. “Despite these imperfections our consistent rule has been that constitutional guarantees are met” with procedural “safeguards” that make trials “as fair as possible.” Tired of the pleas to strike down the death penalty, Powell pointedly invited opponents to bring their statistical arguments to the state legislatures-and not judges. &#13;
&#13;
The dissenting opinions by four justices- William J. Brennan Jr., Thurgood Marshall, Harry A. Blackmun and John Paul Stevens- were significant for two reasons. First, there was the expected debate with the majority over the case itself, with the dissenters insisting that McCleskey’s evidence was stronger than the court had required in other cases. “Surely,” declared Brennan, “we should not be willing to take a person’s life if the chance that his death sentence was irrationally imposed is more likely than not.”&#13;
&#13;
Blood bath: Second, and symbolically important, the four justices held that the capital-punishment system appeared impermissibly stained by racial bias. The process, concluded Brennan, “reflects a devaluation of the lives of black persons.” That’s an unusually powerful statement, and one that could echo in later cases.&#13;
&#13;
The decision but McCleskey and a handful of other inmates-mostly in Texas-in immediate peril. An execution date for McCleskey may be set within the next month, with a few others to follow. “Everybody was really waiting for this case,” says a Georgia Department of Corrections spokesman, John Siler. “We even had one stay of execution for a white guy with a white victim.” But if the wait is over, neither side is predicting an imminent blood bath. Instead, most experts predict a gradual increase in executions-one much slower than the population explosion on death row-and a shift in the legal fight from broad challenges like McCleskey’s to case-by-case combat.&#13;
&#13;
More pleas: On the same day as the McCleskey decision, the justices themselves showed they were open to minimalist approach. In a Florida case, they unanimously ruled that a trail judge had improperly prevented killer James Ernest Hitchcock from pleading “mitigating circumstances” to the jury. There was no question of Hitchcock’s guilt. He was sentenced 11 years ago, but now he will wait for a new sentencing hearing in front of a jury and, even if he loses, he will be entitled to another round of appeals. Two dozen other death-row inmates will piggyback on Hitchcock’s success and will likely ask for new hearings as well.&#13;
&#13;
But that victory came too late for Ronald Straight. Lawyer Michael Mello, who spent several years in Florida specializing in death-penalty cases, last year tried to postpone Straight’s execution by arguing a claim similar to Hitchcock’s. Mello lost. “I had an awful time getting to sleep last night thinking about Ronald Straight,” Mello said last week. “It’s exactly what’s wrong with the death penalty.” Straight could have won a hearing under last week’s ruling. “Now he’s dead.”&#13;
&#13;
The increased emphasis on individual appeals will put more pressure on one of the weakest links in the system: the shortage of lawyers to handle the appeals. Their efforts are not frivolous foot dragging; according to Columbia University law professor Jack Greenberg, a leader of the anti-death-penalty movement, courts reversed about 45 percent of the death sentences they reviewed between 1982 and 1985. Many of those cases were handled by legal-aid or volunteer lawyers. But the burden is considerable: a survey by Boston lawyer Bob Spangenberg found that a lawyer devotes 2,000 hours and spends $30,000 out of pocket on an average appeal. Groups like the American Bar Association are trying to attract new recruits and encourage states to support such appellate work. And courts are beginning to worry about the quality of the lawyers handling death-row appeals. A federal appeals panel in Florida and a federal trial judge in Virginia have sharply criticized the haphazard quality of the volunteer systems. &#13;
&#13;
On capital punishment, no problem ever seems to be fully addressed. Already, strategists are looking for ways to differentiate their appeals from McCleskey’s. In a Utah case, for instance, lawyer Timothy Ford wants to present evidence of discrimination based on the defendants race rather than that of the victim, since blacks and Hispanics make up a disproportionate percent of the population on death row (chart). And in California, lawyers are discussing whether a McCleskey-style case might work as a state constitutional claim, a long shot given the appointments to the bench by conservative Gov. George Deukmejian. “Surely there will be other issues, some we have not dreamed of,” says Steve White, California’s chief assistant attorney general. In the meantime, a flawed system will continue to blunder along. &#13;
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              <text>It’s not often that a U.S. congressman chooses a lawyer who has made a career of keeping mobsters out of jail. But that’s what Rep. Mario Biaggi of New York did when he recently hired Barry Ivan Slotnick to defend him on charges that he peddled influence for favors. No one could blame Biaggi. In March Slotnick and his former law partner Bruce Cutler stunned prosecutors by persuading a jury that alleged Mafia kingpin John gotti and six codefendants were innocent of federal racketeering charges. In 26 years of defending mob biggies, drug dealers, youth gangs and assorted unsavories, Slotnick has won jury acquittals for an astounding 95 percent of his clients. This week he faces yet another challenge when he tries to convince a jury that “subway vigilante” Bernhard Goetz is just a decent, law-abiding citizen. In New York’s most celebrated criminal case since David (Son of Sam) Berkowitz was put away for mass murder, Slotnick will argue that Goetz acted in self-defense when he shot four black men he thought were about to mug him on a subway two years ago. Slotnick’s first major break came in 1968 when he successfully blocked federal efforts to prosecute Mafia don Joseph Colombo. Since then, federal prosecutors have gained a grudging respect for the bearded Bronx native. They concede he has kept enough distance from his clients to remain credible to a jury, even while gaining the reputation as one of organized crime’s favorite outside counsels. Slotnick cringes at the tag. He prefers to describe his practice in constitutional terms. “Keeping government in check,” he says, “is the most important thing I do.” Outstretched arms: Nevertheless, over the years he has a had a very close personal relationships with the Colombo family. Slotnick was on the Brooklyn don’s upstate New York farm when his son took his first steps toward Colombo’s outstretched arms. In 1971 he was only inches away when Colombo was gunned down at an Italian-American rally. Recently he represented the patriarch’s son—Anthony Colombo—who eventually pleaded guilty to racketeering charges. Slotnick’s remarkable acquittal rate isn’t due to excessive plea bargaining; he takes the majority of his cases to trial. And he does do more than defend alleged mobsters. His clients have included Rabbi Meir Kahane, founder of the the militant Jewish Defense League; the head of a Chinese youth gang charged with murder; a corporate president accused of smuggling cocaine, and a Queens Sunday-scchool teacher who gained brief fame as the first woman to win one of the many paternity suits filed against Las Vegas crooner Engelbert Humperdinck. Slotnick once even saved a German shepherd from being destroyed when a woman who claimed she had been bitten was unable to pick the dog out in a lineup. Slotnick’s supporters say his success stems from an innovative courtroom style—The American Lawyer magazine said he pursued “ingenious strategies in impossible situations” when it selected him criminal-defense lawyer of the year in 1981. That year he defended to Hasidic Jews charged with the attempted murder of a black teenager by filling the courtroom with Hasidim in traditional black garb and placing the two defendants among them. When no witness could pick out the defendants, a jury that included seven blacks but no Jews acquitted his clients. In another case, Slotnick defended a man charged with bribery by arguing that he was guilty of grand larceny instead. When prosecutors sought to retry his client, Slotnick successfully cited the constitutional protection against double jeopardy that prevents defendants from being tried twice for a similar offense. Hung jury? In preparing for the Goetz trial, Slotnick has once again stepped out on a legal limb. Recently he drew a judge’s ire when he obliquely reminded 18 prospective jurors that it was in their power to ignore jury instructions. “If you find that the prosecution has proved the case beyond a doubt, and if the judge instructs you that you must convict on that basis, would you feel obligated to do so?” he asked. With that, Slotnick raised the so-called “nullification issue” in which a jury, acting as the “conscience of the community,” can vote for acquittal despite the evidence. The judge warned the jurors that such a strategy would cause “utter chaos” by “overthrowing the rule of la” and increasing the chances of a hung jury. With few facts in dispute in the case, Slotnick may have no other choice. He will defend Goetz, in part, by appealing to the jury’s innate sense that a climate of fear exists in New York City—an atmosphere that could justify Goetz’s action in the minds of ordinary citizens. He hopes to convince the jury that Goetz was just a “decent citizen fighting back, desperately seeking self-protection and retribution against a violent crime.” Despite his growing notoriety, Slotnick has yet to achieve what he wants most—acceptance in New York’s clubby legal fraternity that looks askance at attorneys who defend mobsters. “Barry wants nothing more than to be seen as an Edward Bennett Williams type,” says a top federal law-enforcement official. “Yet as hard as he tries with a Bernie Goetz or a Marrio Biaggi, the bottom line is that the bulk of his practice is Mafia.” A few legal experts are beginning to show respect for the complexities of defending members of organized crime. 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              <text>[image - Joseph Green Brown]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[image caption - Death row victor: Joseph Green Brown, also known as Shabaka, spent 13 years on Florida's death row for a crime he did not commit.]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;He walks the streets of the nation’s capital, white jacket loosely slung across his muscular shoulders, the image of a free man in a free country. Joseph Green Brown – call him by his Swahili name, Shabaka – bypasses the stately townhouses, the men and women in their greatcoats bustling against the winter chill. He doesn’t talk much. He watches a lot. On the street, he’s content to move unnoticed in the crowd. He jogs across the street and ducks into a café-bar for lunch. No one gives him a second glance. That’s fine. People tend to feel nervous when they know Shabaka’s past. For 13 years, thate state of Florida called this soft-spoken, philosophical man a rapist, robber and a killer. Prosecutors wouldn’t have wanted him ordering a hot sandwich and a beer in this nice, upscale luncheonette. Prosecutors wanted him dead. The governor signed his death warrant. Prison guards measured him for a funeral suit. Shabaka had 15 hours to live when an appeal finally netted a stay. Those execution attempts ended just nine months ago when Florida, in a startling announcement, said it had the wrong man. The state’s key witness recanted his testimony and the case against Shabaka collapsed. His conviction was overturned. At first, it was hard for him to step back into the spotlight and speak out against a death penalty system he believes in blatantly racist, immoral and illegal. But in a growing number of public appearances – he’s set to speak at colleges in Alabama, New York, Connecticut, Florida, Ohio, and possibly at Harvard – his language is growing stronger, his town more forceful. “In slavery days, I’m what the old field hands would call an ‘indignant nigger,’” he said. “That was a slave they were going to have to beat today, tonight, tomorrow and the next week to keep in line. I’m not going to be quiet. I want to be the person law enforcement agencies call an embarrassment.” Combined with a study in the Stanford Law Review documenting more than 350 oher unjust death sentences this century – 23 resulting in executions – Shabaka hopes to shake up the system that convicted him and dozens of other innocent, impoverished minorities. He was tagged with the July 7, 1973 rape, robbery and murder of a Tampa children’s store owner. Police were still looking for clues in that crime when, miles away and hours&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[end page]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;[start page]&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;later, two men broke into a local hotel room. They robbed a couple of jewelry and a few hundred dollars. At gunpoint, the woman was forced to disrobe. One of her assailants started to touch her, suddenly stopped, turned and f;ed/ Joseph “Shabaka” Green Brown, a former Black Panther member, flagged down a police car the next day. He had committed the Holiday Inn robbery, he said. Overcome with guilt, he wanted to turn himself in. It was his first criminal offense. But Brown’s accomplice in the hotel robbery, Ronald Floyd, was not at all pleased with being accused of the crime. Three and a half months later, in a plea bargain deal, he told police Brown was the killer in the earlier robbery. A judge and jury agreed, and they ordered brown electrocuted at the state penitentiary in Starke. From 1974 to March 5, 1987, prosecutors tried. When Floyd finally recanted, Brown was immediately set free. But because he wasn’t in a state facility, he didn’t qualify for rehabilitation programs, the state-granted suit and $100. Instead, he was ushered to the jail-front sidewalk eight minutes after the conviction was overturned. He had a cardboard box of legal papers under his arm and three quarters in his pocket. He was 23 when he flagged down the Tampa police officer. He was now a 37-year-old man. He had sout out Watergate, the “me” generation, disco, Iranian hostages, yuppies and Ronald Reagan. He had no friends, no family in the state, no idea of where the nearest phone booth was or the foggiest idea of how he was going to eat that night. Freedom has not proven to be an easy walk. As he braces himself for his first winter outside prison, he sits at the restaurant, saying he feels more like an exile in a strange and hostile land rather than the free man he embodies when he walks the streets about which he once only dreamed. “I feel lost a lot, kind of disconnected,” he said softly. “One day I was lying in bed, and it really hit me. I thought about them all on the row. … The closest friend I have is still on death row in Florida. And here I am, able to walk around outside and hear the birds, feel the warmth of the sun, watch people walking by on the street, hold a woman or pick up a little baby. I just can’t forget the guys I left behind. Nobody owns Shabaka. But I can’t feel free as long as they’re killing people.” But when he’s not making speeches, life is still a troubling thing for Shabaka. The talks, sporadic and spread out, are the only form of income he can muster. Though he said he’s applied at more than 50 positions – from rolling pizza dough to construction – no offers have been made. It’s barely enough to pay the rent for his corner room in another family’s house. His conscience stalks him. He remembers the woman in the motel room, the terror in her eye. The talks are personal therapy, but he hopes to work with poor teen-agers, giving them a reason to believe. “We’re always drilling it into kids to get and education, to get ahead,” he said. “But nobody tells that to the poor little child down on the wrong side of the block. Let’s say that kid grows up, commits a robbery, rape or worst of all, murder. And people sit back so pious and ask ‘Why? Why such a senseless, stupid act?’ My response is ‘Why not?’ Why should that child value your life or property, when no one ever treated them with any respect, or taught them they were an individual with a life worth living?” Michael Mello, a Washington lawyer who has helped with Shabaka’s readjustment, doesn’t think he’ll ever be the free man who fits into the crowd. “I’m not sure he’ll ever feel comfortable living his own life,” Mello said. “He knows he was just loucky to get out. He has a very strong sense of mission to help those guys back on death row. When hhe tells you he’s not going to let people forget them, he’s not kidding. You’re going to hear a lot from him. He’s like that line in a Joan Baez song, ‘Saviors are a nuisance to live with at home.’ I think that’s going to be America’s feeling for Shabaka.”</text>
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